This quarter began with terror attacks in Paris at the offices of the satirical magazine "Charlie Hebdo," in which 11 editorial staff were shot to death, and at a kosher grocery, where four shoppers were gunned down.
Michael Hayden, Daniel Bolger, Dafna H. Rand and Francis Ricciardone
MICHAEL HAYDEN, General, U.S. Air Force (ret.); Former Director, Central Intelligence Agency; Former Principal Deputy Director of National Intelligence, Former Director, National Security Agency
M. A. Muqtedar Khan
When scholars and commentators reflect on the diversity of American Muslims, they often divide them into simple categories such as indigenous and immigrant, mosqued and unmosqued. While these categories do not tell the complete story, they are helpful in understanding certain elements of the emerging Muslim community's identities, politics and cultures. This work employs the distinction between political Islam and political Muslim to provide some insight into the new American Muslim politics.
Ronald R. Stockton
In June 2014, the 221st Presbyterian General Assembly, meeting in Detroit, decided by a vote of 310 to 303 to sell their holdings in three corporations entangled with the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories. They had passed a similar resolution in 2004 but modified it the following year to permit corporate engagement. In 2012, a resolution to divest had failed by two votes. Now it passed by seven.1
Till F. Paasche
The pieces in this special section discuss the wider oil and gas politics of the autonomous Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI, also known as the Kurdistan Regional Government, KRG). This debate has two distinct components: the internal dangers faced by an autonomous region almost exclusively relying on hydrocarbon revenues, and the geopolitical power struggles in the Middle East. Especially when held within the KRI, both themes form part of the discourse on hydrocarbon-enabled independence.
Philippe Le Billon
Oil wealth increases the risk of both authoritarianism and secessionist conflict.1 Iraq's 2005 federal constitution sought to address this dual risk by granting regions and provinces a high degree of autonomy and allocating oil revenues according to a mix of demographic and historical-grievances criteria.2 Reflecting a classic conundrum of federalism, the new constitution has both prevented and facilitated secessionism, in part because of an imprecise text allowing for multiple interpretations.3 Born mostly out of demands from Kurdish legislators, Iraqi fede
Till F. Paasche
Historically the role of the Kurds and Kurdish parties in Syria has been shaped by the Syrian government's regional power politics. Within Syria, the status of the Kurdish population ranges from being tolerated to being actively oppressed. At the same time, the Syrian government used the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) as a proxy to wage war in response to Turkey's "water-dam politics" that left Syria vulnerable to droughts.
In Turkish political circles, there is a popular quip: "The United States wanted Turkey and Iraq's Kurds to become friends, not get married."1 As their cooperation deepens, especially in hydrocarbons, observers increasingly question whether the relationship will endure. A solid strategic relationship is born of shared national interests, mutual respect and real interdependence.
Michael M. Gunter
The rise of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq as well as the ongoing insurgency of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and now peace negotiations with the Turkish government have empowered the Kurds and challenged the existing political map of the Middle East. On July 19, 2012, the previously quiescent Syrian Kurds — largely under the leadership of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), closely associated with the PKK — also suddenly emerged as a potential game changer in the Syrian civil war and what its aftermath might hold for the future of the Middle East.
This article analyzes the foreign-policy tools that Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Oman use in dealing with Iran. It argues that a policy of strategic hedging reduces the danger of conflict with Iran in the short term, while preserving contingency plans that address the severity of the threat and the uncertainty of the relationship in the long term. We could have expected that, because of their sense of threat, the small Gulf states would adopt a behavior of balancing Iran's power or, alternatively, of bandwagoning with it.
In 1908, the Ottoman Third Army marched from Macedonia to Istanbul and forced the sultan to restore the constitution, introduced in 1876 and suspended in 1878 under the duress of war with Russia. In 1909, chanting crowds of religious students (softas) and turbaned clerics, along with disaffected soldiers, swarmed through the streets of Istanbul, demanding an end to constitutional government and the introduction of sharia law. Revolution had been followed by a counterrevolution, but the army struck back and sent the sultan into exile.
Reading this massive volume is rather like entering a dilapidated mansion, cluttered with faded but eminently recognizable furniture, through and around which a sere wind blows.
With the recent closure of the last U.S.
Kurdish studies seem to gain momentum whenever there is an international crisis regarding the political conditions of the Kurds in the Middle East. This was the case when the Gulf War created a massive Kurdish refugee crisis in the beginning of the 1990s.
Shattered Dreams of Revolution is an outgrowth of Bedross Der Matossian's unpublished 2008 doctoral dissertation drafted at Columbia University. It traces the ethnic politics in the post-1908 Ottoman Empire and the stories of Armenians, Arabs and Jews in the ensuing two years.
Describing Michael Gunter's book on the Kurds of Syria as timely will not do it justice. As Kurdish fighters are now the "boots on ground" in the war against the Islamic State (ISIS, ISIL or Daesh), Gunter's book is a necessity.
Over many years Ambassador William A. Rugh has proven to be among the most prolific and insightful contributors to the study and practice of public diplomacy (PD). In his latest work, Front Line Diplomacy: How U.S.