Now that it is unlikely a two-state arrangement will be the "solution" to the conflict in Israel/Palestine, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry is talking it up. And the Arab League has helpfully offered to adjust its 2002 peace proposal to allow for flexibility on the 1967 boundaries.
Ian Lustick, Yousef Munayyer, Jeremy Ben-Ami and Ahmad Samih Khalidi
OMAR KADER, chairman of the Board of Directors, Middle East Policy Council
Chas W. Freeman, Jr.
I come before you this morning at this important conference with many questions and no answers. Much of the Middle East is now in turmoil. It has always been a mosaic of tribes, sects and peoples, but its previously largely static tableau has become a kaleidoscope. The pieces are being moved by conflicts among states, religions, sects, ideologies and ethnic groups. The situation reminds one of other circumstances in which chaotic change has overwhelmed existing order. I recall the Chinese classic, Romance of the Three Kingdoms, which describes such a time.
Turki Al Faisal bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud
Saudi Arabia, with its stability and influence, plays an important regional and international role. Working diligently to address many of its major international and domestic concerns, the Kingdom is a confident participant in world affairs and keeps an ever-vigilant eye toward its own internal safeguarding.
Ronald E. Neumann
Bahrain's troubles are getting worse. There is little visible sign on the ground of promised reforms. New and more violent opposition groups are appearing, one composed largely of Sunnis who oppose concessions to the Shia majority. Government repression is intensifying in reply to more lethal attacks. Bahrain seems stuck in a vicious circle. The government and royal family will not fall, but neither can they suppress the protests. Without reform, the economy stagnates.
Amal A. Kandeel
The protracted crisis in Syria that has persisted for nearly three years is an indication of the high stakes involved in its potential outcomes for several regional and international actors whose goals and interests often do not converge. Sectarianism is widely viewed to be the primary factor underlying the positions of regional actors towards this crisis.
Since December 2010, many non-oil Arab countries1 have gone through tremendous political changes that can only be compared to the coups d'état of the 1950s and 1960s. The old regimes have already collapsed in four Arab countries (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen). In Syria, although Bashar al-Assad's regime still survives, there has been a devastating civil war since mid-2011. The only old regimes that still survive in the same form as they were before the Arab Spring are the two non-oil Arab monarchies (Morocco and Jordan).
At 2 p.m. Middle Eastern time, on October 6, 1973, Arab military forces stormed over the 1967 ceasefire lines with Israel.2 Masses of Egyptian soldiers crossed the Suez Canal into the Sinai Peninsula, attacking Israel's Bar-Lev line. Simultaneously, hundreds of Syrian tanks pushed through the Golan Heights into northern Israel.3 The 1973 war — also known as "The Fourth Round" and the Yom Kippur War by Israelis and many Western scholars, as well as the Ramadan War by Arabs — was launched.4
David M. Faris
Egypt's travails since the January 25, 2011, uprising that ousted Hosni Mubarak from power have the outlook of even the most ardent optimists. After three tumultuous years, Egypt is arguably less democratic, less peaceful and even more fractious than it was before 2011. Egypt's elites failed to agree upon a workable set of institutional arrangements for a complex and difficult democratic transition, or to reform the country's sprawling security apparatus.
Elizabeth Iskander Monier and Annette Ranko
Under former President Hosni Mubarak, Egypt was a major power in the Middle East.1 Despite Mubarak's weakened credibility in the latter years of his presidency, which contributed to a decline in Egypt's regional political status,2 Egypt continued to lay claim to its historical and physical place at the center of the Arab world.3 One of the ways in which Mubarak had sought to shore up his domestic authority and regional influence was by promoting Egypt's role as a security guard for the Arab world.
On August 3, 2013, the controversial and crisis-ridden eight-year tenure of President Ahmadinejad came to an end — leaving a sad legacy behind. This review intends to trace this legacy to its major causes.
Mahmood Monshipouri and Manochehr Dorraj
Unlike Mohammad Khatami's liberal-pragmatic vision or Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's ideological-populist stance, newly elected Iranian president Hassan Rouhani is bent on pursuing a centrist-pragmatic agenda. His campaign platform reflected such a vision: Iran should engage in serious negotiations with the Western world, reduce regional conflict, and prioritize its economic recovery and the general well-being of its people above its nuclear program. Will Rouhani be able to implement this vision, considering the structural, institutional and strategic barriers to his success?
Rashid Khalidi has written a relatively short, readable and frankly depressing overview of the more than 35 years of U.S. diplomacy in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Why has the Arab-Israeli conflict persisted over more than six decades, and why are the prospects for resolving it peacefully so dim?
Professor Telhami has earned the distinction of being the foremost American authority on Arab public opinion. This book contains the product of years of diligent and meticulous scholarship on the subject, and it comes at an opportune time.
The story that Tariq Ramadan tells us is eye-opening. The recent uprisings (his preferred term) in the Middle East and North Africa were not caused spontaneously and casually as they may seem at first.
In late May 2006, U.S. troops pacifying Kabul, Afghanistan, lost control of a cargo truck, causing a massive pileup and killing one civilian. This sparked rioting by a mob of Afghans, many frustrated after nearly five years of U.S.-led occupation.