I had intended to say it was time to mothball the irony that had become inherent in these notes, but then the president's idea of a grand triumphal military march through Washington hit the headlines. He had apparently been wowed by the Bastille Day fete in Paris last July. Even Republican members of Congress have been critical, however.
Adam Ereli, Paul Pillar, Geneive Abdo, Alex Vatanka
The following is a transcript of the ninety-first in a series of Capital Hill conferences convened by the Middle East Policy Council. The meeting was held at the Russell Senate Office Building in Washington, DC, on January 18, 2018, with Richard J. Schmierer, chairman of the Council's board of directors, moderating, and Thomas R. Mattair, the Council's executive director, serving as discussant.
ADAM ERELI, Former U.S. Ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain; Founder and Principal, IberoAmerican Group; Former Deputy Spokesperson, U.S. Department of State
The supreme leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was born on July 16, 1939, in Mashhad, a religious center in Iran.
Mosul fell to the extremist Islamic State1 (IS) in the course of a few days between June 4 and 10, 2014, after Iraqi security forces fled the city. This resulted in an exodus of about 400,000 people from the city and the surrounding area.2 During the three years that followed, Mosul's social, political and economic life was transformed by IS and the Iraqi central government's deliberate isolation of the city.
In 2010, while transiting through the Strait of Hormuz, a 260,000-ton Japanese super-tanker was hit by an explosion. Residue extracted from the hull showed that the vessel had been struck by a speed boat as part of an audacious suicide mission to interrupt the movement of the 40 percent of the world's oil traffic that passes through the strait annually.
Istanbul, Baghdad, Manchester, Tehran, Berlin, Cairo, Nice, Dhaka, Orlando, Kabul, Lahore, Brussels — all these cities experienced major terrorist attacks carried out by Islamist extremists just in the past two years. These attacks testify to a world where violent Islamist extremism remains a constant security threat that continues to rise.1
One does not need to be a confirmed Turkophobe or Kurdophile to see something has gone amiss with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Kurdish policies. I refer specifically to his self-defeating negative reaction to the advisory referendum on independence held by the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) on September 25, 2017.1 Given Erdogan's earlier attempts towards ameliorating the Kurdish problem to the mutual benefit of both Turkey and the Kurds, why this unfortunate contretemps?2
In 2013, a Jordanian town near Mafraq in the north ran out of water. The villagers barricaded roads and burned tires. This was no ordinary protest: King Abdullah himself came to the scene, assuring the villagers he would get water to them in tankers. In a move uncharacteristic of Jordanian politics, the villagers refused. They wanted water piped directly into their houses instead. In the end, the king promised piped water.1
This article takes as its point of departure the close interconnectedness of rivalry in the political sphere and control practiced in the public sphere.
"Deep states can only exist where citizens are unable to freely organize politically and so cannot change their governments through elections or subordinate militaries and intelligence services to their institutionalized control."
MEP (Roger Gaess): In the June 2017 issue of Le Monde diplomatique you wrote, "‘Reviving the peace process' now seems an illusion, except to [Palestinian] President Mahmoud Abbas and the ‘international community,' which views keeping his administration going on life support as vital, to justify its own failure to act or to come up with any innovative proposal grounded in international law." I'd like to use that thought as a starting point.
Continuing the work that they began in their Foxbats over Dimona (2007) on Soviet actions prior to and during the 1967 war, veteran Israeli journalists Isabella Ginor and Gideon Remez in this new book provide a fuller account of Soviet involvement in the tense period between the end of t
Marion Naifeh starts her memoir with "I never really belonged anywhere," and then goes on to disprove that statement by showing how well she seems to fit in everywhere.
Modern Zionism, the advocacy of national self-determination for the Jewish people, has undergone significant transformations since its inception toward the end of the nineteenth century.
With the Islamic State largely defeated in Iraq, the country could move on to better governance and peace. However, it could just as easily repeat the mistakes of the past and lead to a resurgence of al-Qaeda or the birth of yet another extremist movement.
In modern Turkish and Kurdish studies in the last two decades, there has been a wide selection of research on topics such as Turkish secularism and nationalism, Turkish political Islam and conservatism, Kurdish insurgency and political violence, the Turkish Left and Kurdish nationalism, and Turki
Nadya Hajj's Protection Amid Chaos: The Creation of Property Rights in Palestinian Refugee Camps, though modest in length, contains information from over 200 interviews conducted with Palestinian refugees from seven camps over a span of eight years.